Previous entries — Part One: Introduction
It was in this context that the SPA emerged in 1901, with union leader Eugene Debs serving as a unifying figurehead and recurring presidential candidate. The party united socialists who believed in working within existing union formations and dual unionists, many of whom initially split from the SLP. As the party grew, it attracted many who felt the Progressives of the time did not do enough to meet the political moment. This included Charles Emil Ruthenberg, who is arguably the most important figure of the Cleveland SPA.
Ruthenberg was originally a strong supporter of Progressive Cleveland mayor Tom Johnson, viewing his advocacy for municipal ownership as a step towards socialism. When Johnson opposed the demands of workers who ran those municipal enterprises, Ruthenberg defended him, and was critiqued by socialist Robert Bandlow. Through these debates with socialists and his own intellectual curiosity, Ruthenberg would move to the left, joining the SPA in January of 1909. Within months, he would be elected as recording secretary of the local, and soon thereafter he would become their English-language spokesperson and a perennial candidate for office.
Ruthenberg’s electoral campaigns would succeed in growing party membership. During his run for mayor of Cleveland in 1911, the local grew its membership by 50%, totaling around 1,600 members in that year. The following year, Ruthenberg would launch a campaign for Governor of Ohio, visiting every county and more than 100 cities in the state. Many SPA statewide campaigns failed to match presidential candidate Eugene Debs, as the Progressives (running on a platform with many policies taken from the SPA) absorbed many of their votes. In Ohio, however, Ruthenberg received a similar margin to Debs, a little over 8% of the vote. This was the highest of any socialist party gubernatorial candidate throughout the country. At this time, Cleveland had become by far the largest Socialist Party local in Ohio, growing to 2,950 members. While Ruthenberg and other Cleveland socialists were successful at building membership, they would not win any office prior to 1917. However, the same was not true for other parts of the so-called “Red State”. As put by Richard Judd in Socialist Cities, Ohio socialists were able to “elect more mayors to office in small and medium-sized cities than any other state.” In bigger cities, including Columbus, Akron, Dayton and Toledo, one or more city councilors were also elected.
Unlike most successful socialist candidates today, the SPA would run its candidates on their own independent ballot line, competing directly with Democrats, Republicans and third parties (primarily the Progressive Party). This historical practice was borne out of the conditions surrounding the Civil War, which brought the Republican Party into prominence. In the following decades, the party system began to consolidate towards the modern system, with Democrats and Republicans being the sole presidential contenders ever since. Today, socialists have adapted to this system by focusing on Democratic primaries or non-partisan local races with primarily Democratic voter bases. However, In the 1910s, many Progressives and Socialists pursued the development of an independent third party, in part because of the newer and less developed nature of the two party regime, and, even more so than today, the lack of a distinction between Republican and Democratic policies towards workers.
While many of the fundamental challenges remain the same, the different socialist ballot line provided certain strengths and weaknesses for the SPA. Across Ohio, Democratic and Republican establishments would work together as fusion candidates to run against socialists.
Today, we do see similar consolidation from conservative and liberal opposition, such as Andrew Cuomo’s general election campaign against Zohran Mamdani. However, these efforts are less likely to succeed when socialists win the Democratic Party’s official nomination. This typically splits the existing Democratic establishment, with some willing to embrace more left wing figures, and others refusing to do so. On the other hand, in the heyday of the socialist party, there was no such split, and the Republican and Democratic establishments were both firmly in opposition to socialist candidates. An independent socialist ballot line would also not prevent socialist electeds from betraying their party. The mayors of Ohio cities Lima and Lorain, for instance, while elected under the SPA, later switched to a mainstream party. Additionally, party officials nationwide would regularly be expelled for disagreement with the party platform.
As Emerson Bodde argues in Until Victory is Achieved, the distinction between socialist success in big cities and smaller ones was largely due to the differing political environments. Smaller cities often had competing Republican and Democratic candidates, which made it possible for socialist candidates focusing on affordability and municipal reform to take power. On the other hand, major cities were more likely to have developed political machines, capable of absorbing Progressive policies and presenting themselves as the logical option for municipal change. Bodde argues that being forced to the sidelines in mainstream electoral politics led to the radicalization and diversification of socialist organizing in Cleveland.
Meanwhile, socialists in Milwaukee (or in smaller Ohio cities with SPA mayors), focused primarily on good municipal governance, attracting the “middle-class Progressive milieu”. Ruthenberg himself would also emphasize immediate municipal reforms and critique the corruption of the existing machine, while always keeping in mind the end goal of societal transformation. As SPA members in different cities charted different paths, Ruthenberg showed his principled commitment to party unity in approaching their political differences. As Oakley Johnson’s biography of Ruthenberg articulates:
“While reformist in character, the Socialist Milwaukee administration performed many valuable social services and benefited the people. But the Milwaukee Administration received vicious attacks from old-party politicians, and Ruthenberg, who carefully watched the situation, defended it.”
Today, DSA members should take note from Ruthenberg, understanding the different political contexts of our comrades throughout the country, and standing in solidarity with them as they strive to fight for something new. We should seek to analyze and understand the conditions of the two-party system as they exist today, and identify how we can run electoral campaigns that truly engage the masses and build party membership, as organizers did in “Red Ohio” over a century ago. This assessment can learn from the Milwaukee approach – that genuine commitments to improving the lives of working class people can be an effective mechanism for building a socialist electoral constituency. But it should also learn from the Cleveland experience outlined in this piece, which demonstrates that organizing workers while maintaining clear socialist and anti-war principles prepares an organization to reach the masses in times of crisis.
Please return tomorrow for Part Three: Labor